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Habermas maintains that neoliberalism precludes the building of a European demos and entails a regression towards the exclusionary but still democratic nation state. Although this article agrees with Habermas's claim regarding the regressive impact of neoliberalism, it argues that this regression is best described as moving not towards an exclusionary but still democratic national people but rather towards an illiberal, anti-democratic nation state.

UID/FIL/00183/2019 ; Robert Antonio's association of authoritarian ethno-racial nationalism with neoliberal adventure capitalism, and the broader matter of how neoliberal democratization opens the way to rightwing populism and illiberal capitalism (Antonio 2019, 280), seem particularly pertinent. The recourse to Hayek's political theory to explain the neoliberal roots of populism (Antonio 2019, 287-8) allows for a better understanding of the political, philosophical and ideological ideals that encompass the economic nature of neoliberalism. While I do not wish to contend with Antonio's thesis and argumentative strategy, and while I fully acknowledge the complex relationships between populism, democracy and neoliberalism (some of these analyzed in the article; see e.g. Hayek's eulogy of the 'cultural and spiritual freedom' of certain autocracies (Antonio 2019, 287)), I do wish to suggest that neoliberal radical subjectivity and conservatism provide a basis for new arguments regarding the relationship between authoritarian ethno-racial nationalism and neoliberal adventure capitalism. More specifically, while agreeing that neoliberal democratization opens the way to rightwing populism and illiberal capitalism, I would like to develop the claim that neoliberalism's defense of radical subjectivity stirs up populist, racist and nationalistic tendencies in society ; publishersversion ; published

UID/FIL/00183/2013 ; Through publically agreed laws that correspond to a common set of public restrictions, the 'people as a sovereign body' serves to protect against violations of individual liberty and despotic power. Where no such common body exists, individuals are deprived of this protection. In such cases, individuals must obey without liberty, while those in power command under a state of license. Neoliberal theorists maintain that any common personality, with its corresponding set of public and arbitrary positive and negative restrictions on liberty, undermines individual liberty. Neoliberal theory only allows for private restrictions on liberty. Against these neoliberal assumptions, we argue that rejecting public restrictions on liberty does not promote individual liberty. To the 1᢫ ᢬ ᢭ ᢮ 1 contrary, it creates conditions in which free individuals become servile and political inequality becomes entrenched, where citizens are divided into those who obey and those who command. Tracing the consequences of neoliberalism, we argue that unless we take seriously both the people as a political category and the right to equal and reciprocal coercion, individual liberty will be at risk. We also argue that neoliberalism ultimately leads to the total exclusion of certain citizens under the veil of full liberty. With the vanishing of the people's will comes the utter disappearance of certain citizens, who live in the spontaneous society as if they were stateless or lawless persons. To better understand the connections between the rejection of the concept of the people, private restrictions on liberty and the fostering of the servile citizen, this paper considers the political philosophy of Hayek and Nozick. It also considers key ideas from Locke and Kant—theorists who, despite the differences between their philosophical perspectives, and despite the fact that they both provided crucial inspiration for Hayek's political economy and Nozick's libertarianism, stressed the protective role of the people with regard to individual liberty. ; publishersversion ; published

UID/FIL/00183/2013 ; The quest for winning and preserving politicalpower in Machiavelli's The Prince is led by the bellicose versionof the pre-classical and mythological concept of metisor cunning rationality. In opposition to a domestic version ofcunning rationality, understood as the rationality of the weak,Machiavellian mētis is a prudential and deceptive rationalityof the strong. Bellicose cunning rationality does not, however,prevent the prince from falling into the hubris of violence,and does not avoid undermining cunning rationality itself.Our article evaluates and circumscribes the contribution, aswell as the theoretical and practical limits of the Machiavellianbellicose cunning rationality. ; publishersversion ; published

A identificação do perfil da sexualidade da adolescente de Passo Fundo constitui-se no objetivo desta pesquisa. Para identificação do perfil da sexualidade da adolescente valeu-se dos seguintes fatores: 1) Características das adolescentes entrevistadas; 2) Expectativas de namoro; 3) Expectativas de casamento; 4) Opinião das adolescentes sobre o amor; 5) Conhecimentos sobre reprodução humana; 6) Início da atividade sexual; 7) Desejo sexual; 8) Excitações e orgasmo; 9) Sexo; 10) Masturbação; 11) Sexo oral; 12) Homossexualismo; 13) DST a AIDS; 14) Drogas. A identificação do perfil da sexualidade da adolescente de Passo Fundo constitui-se no objetivo desta pesquisa. Para identificação do perfil da sexualidade da adolescente valeu-se dos seguintes fatores: 1) Características das adolescentes entrevistadas; 2) Expectativas de namoro; 3) Expectativas de casamento; 4) Opinião das adolescentes sobre o amor; 5) Conhecimentos sobre reprodução humana; 6) Início da atividade sexual; 7) Desejo sexual; 8) Excitações e orgasmo; 9) Sexo; 10) Masturbação; 11) Sexo oral; 12) Homossexualismo; 13) DST a AIDS; 14) Drogas. Pretendeu-se também verificar se existe associação significativa entre as variáveis independentes: idade, conhecimento sobre métodos con- traceptivos, possibilidade de engravidar durante a menstruação, medo de adquirir AIDS, sexo feito como amor, amor dos pais como exemplo, ativi- dade sexual, grau de instrução.Essa verificação foi possibilitada pela aplicação de um instrumento em 101 adolescentes na faixa etária de 14 a 20 anos residentes na cidade de Passo Fundo.Os dados são apresentados em tabelas e gráficos e examinados através de análises estatísticas computadorizadas, utilizando porcentagem e teste paramétrico (qui-quadrado), e foi obtido o seguinte resultado: não houve associação significativa entre as variáveis estudadas.Diante dos resultados encontrados deduziu-se ser de grande uti- lidade a aplicação dos conhecimentos adquiridos para melhorar as ativi- dades práticas nas quais, iremos prestar assistência em serviço de aten- dimento a adolescente e no ensino de enfermagem.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction -- Nationalism and Global Justice: A Survey of Some Challenges -- Cosmopolitanism: Cultural, Moral, and Political -- Arguing for Justice. Global Justice and Philosophical Argumentation -- Global and Statist Egalitarianism and Their Woes -- What is so Special about the State? -- On the Applicability of the Ideal of Equality of Opportunity at the Global Level -- Against Relational Views of Justice and Parental Duties -- Cosmopolitanism, Sovereignty and Global Justice -- On Kant's Aesthetics and his Progressing Treatment of Peace. -- Rawls' via media: Between Realism and UtopianismRawls's The Law of Peoples as a Guideline for the World as We Know It -- Towards Fair Terms of Economic Cooperation -- Whip Cosmopolitanism into Shape: Assessing Thomas Pogge's Global Resources Dividend as an Instrument of Global Justice -- Backmatter.